Part 6

Having thus sketched in the brief diary we can now consider this short campaign more critically.

The invasion of Belgium was begun on June 15, but at the outset a serious hitch occurred. The march orders sent by Soult, Napoleon’s Chief of the Staff, to Vandamme’s Corps were entrusted to a single officer. This officer meeting with an accident en route, the message miscarried. In this little incident is to be seen some indication of the difference between the qualities required in a corps commander and a chief of the staff. Berthier had in previous campaigns been Napoleon’s Chief of the Staff, but not now being available, Soult was appointed. Soult was one of Napoleon’s most experienced and reliable Marshals, whether commanding a corps or in independent command, as in the Pyrenees in 1813; yet although as a general he was as much Berthier’s superior as a man of action is the superior of a good clerk, yet nevertheless he was totally unfitted for the important post of Chief of Napoleon’s Staff in 1815. Suchet would undoubtedly have been a better choice. For Soult had neither the necessary practice in this work, nor the industry requisite to get through the vast amount of work that had to be accomplished.

However, Soult did not initiate some of the malpractices which marred the work of the French Head – Quarter Staff in the Imperial Army of 1815; for, in 1807, Berthier sent a very important message to Bernadotte by a single orderly, the latter was capture, and hid dispatch gave Bennigsen very important information.

Again, in 1809, at the passage of the Danube, before Wagram, Davout’s and Oudinot’s Corps were sent to the wrong bridges, and were compelled to cross each other’s line of march. And other instances could be quoted. Further, we learn from the Duc de Fezensac (who served constantly on the French Staff between 1806 and 1813) that when a mounted messenger was wanted no one bothered to inquire whether he had a horse that could walk, even if the message had to go through at a gallop. Nor were inquiries made to see if he had a map, or even perchance knew the country.

There is no doubt that this habit of attempting everything, even in the time of Berthier, was the most feeble instrument, the wish to overlook impossibilities, and the unbounded assurance of success which had no doubt at first been advantageous, in the end became the undoing of the French.

Thus we may acquit Soult of initiating some of these malpractices. But we must remember that Berthier, as Chief of the Staff, helped to carry through many brilliant and decisive campaigns. Soult, on the other hand, as Chief of the Staff, assisted in but one, and that a disastrous campaign, and to this result he must be adjudged to have contributed more than his share. In the particular case under consideration, he was guilty of an elementary error as a staff officer in not ensuring the delivery of an important order. It is related of this incident that Napoleon, having asked who carried the message and being told only one name, said, “Only one. Berthier would have sent six.” But as we have seen, Berthier had been guilty of this very mistake in 1807. The result of the miscarriage of Soult’s order to Vandamme was that at 6 a.m. the 3rd Corps, which should have marched at 3 a.m., had not moved. This, and the delays caused by the necessity of moving large bodies along bad roads, resulted in the loss of valuable time, and Napoleon’s plans for the day’s operations were only partially carried out. The point to notice is that faulty staff work will mar the most brilliant conceptions.

The actual fighting during the 15th  was chiefly remarkable for Zieten’s skilful withdrawal and the effectual check imposed on the French cavalry – in fact on Napoleon’s entire army – by a few well – posted infantry, even in those days of slow – loading firearms.

It must not be overlooked that Zieten allowed the bridges over the R. Sambre to fall into the hands of the French both unmined and intact, when he was forced back. This fact is harded to understand, because on the night of June 13 he had reported to the Prussian Head – Quarters the presence of two great hostile camps at Beaumont and Solre, and as a consequence had been ordered to send off his baggage along the Gembloux road. This information which he furnished shows that he was not blind to the gathering danger – cloud that was soon to burst, but it does not appear why he took so little pains to prepare for its approach.

During the 15th Blücher had been rapidly concentrating under cover of Zieten’s Corps, but the full effect of his concentration was marred by the miscarriage of orders, by which Bülow’s Corps was absent from the field of Ligny and the battle lost to the Prussians. Turning to the Anglo – Dutch army, it is instructive to inquire why Wellington made practically no move on the 15th. The reason seems to be that Zieten omitted to inform him of the French advance; and although rumours of firing about Charleroi did reach Head – Quarters, Wellington undoubtedly heard details of the enemy’s movements many hours later than should have been the case. But thanks also to the negligence of the officer commanding the British cavalry screen, Dornberg, on the line Mons –Tournay, who failed to submit his report until night, the Duke was ignorant whether the whole of the enemy’s army was leading through Charleroi; or whether another column might be moving through Mons on Brussels. He was too cautious to commit himself to premature movements on unconfirmed reports, the more so as he believed the affair at Charleroi would prove to be only a diversion, and that the real attack would come on his own right. It is remarkable, however, that there was no organised system for the rapid dispatch of information from the outposts to Head – Quarters, especially as it was absolutely certain that Napoleon would make some sudden movement, the direction of which was quite unknown. And it is quite open to question whether Wellington was in the right place at Brussels on June 15. In those days there were no electric telegraphs.

The possibilities of the situation on the night of the 15th invite attention. Although the French centre and left columns were extended over twenty – three miles of road, still it was possible for Napoleon by 6 a.m. on the 16th to have occupied Fleurus with the bulk of his army and yet to have concentrated 40,000 men on the road to Brussels.

There is considerable divergence of opinion with regard to Napoleon’s apparent apathy and want of decision on the night of the 15th. Many writers have attributed it to ill – health, but there does not seem to be sufficient grounds for believing that illness had so far undermind his usual fiery energy, although it may be admitted that it was not so exuberant as of yore. However, whatever may have been Napoleon’s state of health it did not seriously affect his activity. And in 1815 the Emperor was in sufficiently good health to enable him to bear the great fatigues of war, and also the fatigues incident to a bold offensive campaign. Moreover his brain had lost none of its power. It therefore seems probable that there was some good motive for his temporary inactivity on June 15. Now the object of his strategy was the defeat of Blücher and Wellington in succession. Napoleon was aware that Wellington would take twenty – four hours longer than Blücher to concentrate. It was all - important that Blücher should be decisively beaten; for Napoleon could not advance with Blücher’s undefeated army on his flank. Lastly, Blücher’s hatred of Napoleon, his fiery, violent temper, made it certain that he would endeavour to concentrate and fight in preference to retiring. But if Napoleon pressed him unduly he would not be able to concentrate, and would be obliged to fall back. If Napoleon followed him, then Wellington would have time to concentrate in rear of the French army, overwhelming the containing force. If Napoleon did not follow Blücher, then he would have the whole Prussian army threatening his communications with France. These arguments will show that Napoleon, in giving Blücher time to partially concentrate, in order that the main Prussian army might be dealt a decisive blow, was perhaps not so apathetic, or so strategically unsound as some of his critics have over- hastily assumed.

Hamley, in his Operations of War, dismisses the foregoing explanation of Napoleon’s delay as absurd. He suggests that the true reason is to be found in the extension of the French columns over several miles of road and the consequent distance between front and rear. But Hamley has himself pointed out that it would have been quite possible for the French columns to have bivouacked in order of battle instead of in order of march, in which case an attack on the Prussians before Ligny would have been feasible at daybreak. Having regard to Napoleon’s great military genius and experience of war, it is incredible that he was not aware of this opportunity of overwhelming a portion of his enemies, especially, as Hamley rightly says, when it is remembered that such operations were essentially characteristic of Napoleon’s methods. It seems abundantly clear that Napoleon had some definite motive for his delay, and it is suggested that, for the reasons previously given, this motive is to be found in the necessity of dealing Blücher a heavier blow than the rout of merely one of his army corps. It is not suggested that Napoleon intended to permit the actual concentration of three corps, but it does seem probable that he hoped to so time his blow as to involve the major part of the Prussian army in the rout of their 1st Corps. For it was essential that Blücher should be given time to concentrate a target large enough to ensure the maximum of effect from Napoleon’s “man – killing machine,” once the latter commenced operations. For it would    naturally expand its energy to no purpose on a mere screen. This was an operation involving very delicate timing, in which he must be convicted of miscalculation, for Blücher actually concentrated a superior force, to that opposed to him by Napoleon, in the battle of Ligny; but that the Emperor deliberately attempted it is but another instance of how readily great commanders accept risk when the situation demands it and great results are to be obtained.

Reliable information having assured Wellington that Napoleon’s whole army was advancing by Charleroi, he ordered concentration on Nivelles.

A propos of the points, Nivelles and Ligny, selected by Wellington and Blücher for concentration, it is interesting to recall Napoleon’s maxim: “it is a principle that admits of no exception that the concentration of an army should take place out of striking distance of the enemy.” Clearly both Wellington and Blücher now violated this maxim, but it is a fair assumption that its truth was well known and understood by them both. It is a logical deduction, therefore, that special reasons existed for the selection of these points. Probably the most accurate of these lies in the fact that Wellington and Blücher had, in conference prior to the outbreak of hostilities, decided on these two points as the most suitable in the event of a French advance by Charleroi on Brussels. The wide divergence of the Allies’ bases and the political necessity of denying Brussels to the French apparently forbade at the time the selection of points any further north; and at the time of the conference, it was hoped that sufficient warning of the French line of advance would be obtained to place both Nivelles and Ligny out of striking distance of Napoleon until concentration had been effected.

As it proved, Napoleon’s advance was so sudden that there was not time for any fresh conference, and each commander loyally adhered to the scheme upon which they had previously agreed. Nevertheless but for miscalculations and false assumptions on the part of Napoleon, and inexplicable delays on the part of his lieutenants, the selection of these strategically unsound points for concentration would probably have led to disaster. As it was, Blücher, through acting with great promptness and decision, never did concentrate fully, and had Ney displayed his usual vigour Wellington might well have suffered a much worse fate. The difficulties and dangers of the Allies’ situation on the night of the 15th bring very clearly to notice the military hazards imposed upon a commander when political considerations necessitate the passive defence of a long frontier and supply difficulties or, more usually, the terrors of a militarily ignorant population, forbid concentration.

But Wellington’s and Blücher’s plans, when all has been urged for them, are open to hostile criticism. Not so much, truly, for observing such a long line, but chiefly for the selection of Sombreffe and Quatre Bras as their actual points of concentration. This selection was a strategical blunder, and particularly so when opposed to an adversary of such proven energy as Napoleon, for they could not be sure of being granted the time necessary for concentration; and if caught in the act, they would certainly run the risk of being beaten in detail.  Their arrangements would have been open to far less criticism had they selected Mont St. Jean and Wavre as the places of assembly for their widely scattered hosts; for it is difficult to see how they could have been prevented from effecting their concentration unmolested at these spots. Both leaders had signally failed to foresee the Emperor’s plan; and dearly would they have paid for their neglect had Napoleon’s plan of campaign, and his opening move in June 1815, have been justly considered a model of perfect strategy.

Whatever justification may be found for Napoleon’s pause before Blücher, there was none for Ney before Wellington. Ney’s rôle was that of the containing force, but it was clear that if Wellington once effected concentration he would have little difficulty in overwhelming the French Marshal.

On the 16th the battles of Quatre Bras and Ligny were fought. The result of Ney’s dilatoriness at Quatre Bras  was that by nightfall he found himself opposed by superior numbers which he might earlier in the day have defeated in succession. An interesting point to notice with regard to Quatre Bras is Perponcher’s initiative in bringing his division to Quatre Bras instead of Nivelles. In this incident is exemplified the proper use of discretionary powers by subordinate commanders, even to the extent of disobeying orders when it is certain that the superior authority giving the original order is unaware of important changes in the situation. The spirit of initiative in an army urges all to independent action. Clausewitz has summed up its value for us in the following sentence: “It is a sign of mediocrity to do always only exactly what one is required to do.”

At Ligny Napoleon did not attack till 2.30 p.m., but he spent the morning in making a careful personal reconnaissance. Blücher had committed the tactical error of disposing his troops in full view of his opponent; in fact had made little or no attempt at concealment either of firing line, supports, or reserves. The possible reasons that induced Napoleon to postpone his attack until the afternoon have already been indicated, but it is clear that he did not give Blücher sufficient credit for activity and energy. Wellington rode over and joined Blücher on the heights of Bry at 1 p.m. on June 16. Wellington and Blücher and their staffs then reconnoitred the French troops in their front. They all took the wing of Napoleon’s army, then before them, as the whole of the Grand Army, and looked on any troops on the Quatre Bras side as a mere detachment. The Duke promised to come to Blücher’s aid if he himself were not attacked, and he then returned to Quatre Bras. Wellington’s promise was conditional, and could never be fulfilled; for Ney found ample employment for all the British divisions as they successively reached Quatre Bras during that June afternoon. When the Emperor sent Grouchy forward at 2.30 p.m., he still believed that only Zieten’s Corps was actually in position, through he, no doubt, was aware that Pirch I. and Thielemann could not be far off, and hoped to involve them in the rout he anticipated. In point of fact, Pirch had arrived at 6 a.m. and Thielemann about midday, so that Napoleon was committed to the attack of superior numbers holding a position of their own selecting. The original scheme of attack was the turning of the Prussian right which was more or less in the air, thus shouldering them off the Namur chaussée. Finding the opposition strong and realising something of the true state of the case, Napoleon sent for D’Erlon’s Corps, which was then marching on Quatre Bras, in rear of Reille’s Corps, both under Ney.[1] D’Erlon’s hastened to obey Napoleon’s order to move against the Prussian right, but the message he sent to apprise Ney of the fact was delayed. During the afternoon Ney, hard pressed, wished to call up D’Erlon, and only then heard that he was marching on St.Amand. Not knowing the reason for this, Ney peremptorily recalled him. Meanwhile Napoleon had vigorously pressed his attack on the Ligny position, but had not made much headway. For although the Prussians had on more than one occasion been forced back from the villages they held, yet the indomitable old Prussian Marshal by constantly feeding his fighting line from his reserves won them back again every time. At 7 p.m., preparing the way by a heavy and concentrated artillery fire, Napoleon attacked the Prussian centre with the whole of his reserve, the Imperial Guard. The attack was successful; and by 9 p.m. Napoleon remained master of the field, while the Prussians fell back, 1st and 2nd Corps on Tilly and Gentinnes, and 3rd Corps (rear guard) on Gembloux. The 1st and 2nd Corps passed the remainder of the night after the battle between Mellery, Tilly, and Gentinnes. They were halted on the two roads which, running to Wavre, join at Mont St. Guibert. The 3rd Corps passed the same night on the field of battle, but towards 3 p.m. it commenced to draw off towards Gembloux.[2]

Gneisenau had actually ordered the direction of the retreat, for Blücher was disabled at the close of the battle of Ligny, and his Chief of the Staff assumed command. Reading his map, on horseback, by the light of the moon, Gneisenau gave the order “Retreat on Tilly and Wavre.” These orders, intelligently and zealously followed out, changed the whole fate of the campaign. Wavre was selected as the actual rallying – point after Tilly and Gentinnes had been reached by Zieten’s and Pirch’s Corps.

At Quatre Bras – Ney, finally, repulsed at all points, withdrew, but remained in observation, and Wellington’s force bivouacked on the battlefield. Wellington’s failure to support Blücher at Ligny was really a necessary consequence of the deliberate, or overcautious, strategy which marked all the Duke’s arrangements in the opening hours of this brief campaign.

Napoleon’s success at Ligny may be ascribed to-

1. Blücher’s faulty dispositions.
2. The superior leading of the French subordinate commanders. 
3. The superior handling of the French artillery. 
4. The premature exhaustion of the Prussian reserves and the skilful and opportune use of the French reserves

The startegical value of Ligny was entirely marred by-

1. Ney’s dilatory attack and consequent failure.
2. The well – known incident of D’Erlon’s wanderings.

As a result of faulty staff arrangements 26,000 men spent the entire day wandering about between two battlefields not ten miles apart without firing a shot in either. What reader of the account of the two battles fought that day can have any doubt as to the far – reaching effect on the subsequent course of the campaign the presence of D’Erlon’s Corps on either field would have had? The execution on June 16 hardly came up to the great conception.

But had Napoleon’s orders been strictly obeyed, and had his marshals acted with the energy displayed in former campaigns, there can be no doubt that Blücher would have been annihilated, and Wellington would have had to bear the full weight of Napoleon’s army alone on the following day. This clearly exemplifies the fact that strategic success is of no value unless followed up immediately by a decisive tactical blow, for the enemy recovers, and has time to meet the emergency.

One or two points in the tactics of these two battles may be remarked.  At Quatre Bras the misuse of cavalry and its impotence against formed infantry are exemplified. Especially is the incident of the 44th Regiment in line driving off victorious cavalry interesting as indicating an early demonstration of the power of the firearm over the “arme blanche.”

But the most interesting point in the tactics of Quatre Bras is undoubtedly in connection with Ney’s tardiness to attack that important position whilst it was still but thinly held. This is explainable, and in the following manner:  Wellington in the Iberian Peninsula had administered so many rude rebuffs to the French marshals who were his opponents in that theatre of war, that he had somewhat shattered their confidence in themselves, and in their troops, to beat him. Rarely had they encountered so mysterious an enemy. For Wellington, when holding a defensive position, made no display of troops, and in most cases it had been very difficult for the attacking marshal to say whether he was about to waste his blow on a screen that would, at the critical moment, crumple up and evade his grasp. Consequently there had been nothing for it but to take the bull by the horns and launch the assaulting columns without any adequate preparation by fire, and hope for the best result. And these results had generally been so disastrous to the French, that eventually their marshals became rather chary of attacking the British at all. Thus the tactics displayed by Wellington in the Peninsula bore good fruit at Quatre Bras (on June 16, 1815), for even Ney hesitated to attack when that important position was very thinly held, and he himself stood in preponderating strength. That there were very few men and guns showing told the Marshal, after his Iberian experiences, nothing. For the whole Anglo – Dutch army might have been hidden away in the various valleys and woods, ready to deliver a strong counter – attack, if he incautiously committed himself to an assault on the position. [3] Hence the brilliant opportunity which really presented itself to him to crush Wellington’s forces in detail as they reached Quatre Bras on June 16, and then, either to turn eastward and assist his Emperor to surround and destroy Blücher or to lay open the way to Brussels by an immediate advance northwards. These opportunities were suffered to escape unutilised.